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Novembre 1521
Venere a octo de nouembȓ 1521 tre hore inanzi lo tramontar deL solle entrase mo in vno porto duna ysolla deta Tadore et surgendo apresso terra in vinti bracia descaricassemo tuta lartigliaria neL giorno seguente venne lo re in vno prao a le naui et circundole vna volta subito li andassemo contra cō Lo batello þ honnorarlo ne fece intrare nel suo prao et sedere apresso dese lui sedeua sotto vna humbrela de Seta ɋ andaua intorno dinansi de lui era vno suo figliolo coL Scettro realle et dui cō dui vazi de oro þ dare hacqua ale manj et dui altrj cō due cassetine dorate pienne de qelle betre. Lo re ne disse fossemo libẽ venuttj et Como lui Ja grā tempo se haueua sogniato alquante naue vegnire Amaluco da luogui lontanj et þ piu Certificarsi aueua voluto vedere ne la luna et vite como veniuano et ɋ nuy eramo qelli Entrando lo re nelle nauy tucti li basaronno la mano poi lo Conducemo soura la popa et neL en trare dentro nō se vosce abassare ma entro de soura via facendolo sedere in vna cathedra de veluto rosso li vestissemo vna vesta de veluto Jallo aLa turquesca nui þ piu suo honnore sedeuāo in terra apresso lui esendo tucti asentati lo re comincio et disse lui et tucti sui populi volere semþ essere fidelissemj amici et vassali aL nȓo re despagnia et acceptaua nuj Como sui figlioli et douescemo descendere in terra Como nele þrie case noste þ che daqi indietro sua ysola non se chiameria piu tadore ma castiglia þ lamore grande portaua al nȓo re Suo signiore li donassemo vno pñte qaL fo la veste la cathedra vna pessa de tella sotille Quatro bracia de panno de scarlata vno saglio de brocato vno panno de damasco giallo alguni panny indiany lauorati de oro et de seta Vna peza de berania biancha tella de Cambaia dui bonnetj sey filce de cristalo dodici corteli tre spechi grandi sey forfice sey petini alquanti bichieri dorati et altre cose aL suo figliolo vno paño indianno de oro et de seta vno spechio grande vno bonnet et duy cortelli a noue alti sui principali a ogni vno vno panno de seta bonneti et dui cortellj et a molti alti aqi bonneti et aqi cortelli dessemo in fin queL re ne disse doue ssemo restare dopo ne disse lui nō hauer alto sinon la þpia vita þ mādare al re suo s. douessemo nuj piu aþpincarse a la cita et se veniua de nocte ale naui li amazassemo cō li Schiopeti partendosse de la popa may se volce abassare pigliata la lissentia discare cassemo tucte le bombarde Questo re he moro et forsi de quaranta cinque anny ben facto cō vna pñtia realle et grandissimo astrologo alhora era vestito duna Camiseta de tella biancha soti lissima cōli capi de le manigue lauorati doro et de vno panno dela cinta quasi fina in terra et era descalso haueua Jntorno Lo capo [lo capo: doublet in original MS.] vno velo de seta et soura vna girlanda de fiory et chiamasse raia sultan Manzor.
Domenica a x de nouembȓ Questo re volse intendere quanto tempo era Se eramo partiti despagnia et Lo soldo et la Quintalada ne daua il re açiascuno de nui et voliua li dessemo vna firma deL re et vna bandiera reale þ cħ daqi inanzi La sua Jsola et vnalta chiamata Tarenate de laqalle seL poteua coronare vno suo [figlio: crossed out in original MS.] nepote deto Calonaghapi farebe tucte due serianno deL re despagnia et þ honnore del suo re era þ combatere insino aLa morte et Quando non potesse piu resistere veniria in spaga lui etucti li sui in vno Joncho faceua far de nuoua cōla firma et bādera reale percio grā tempo era suo seruitoȓ ne prego li lasciassemo algunj hominj acio ogni ora se arecordasse deL re despagnia et non mercadātie þ che loro non gli restarebenno et ne disse voleua andare a vna Jsola chiamata bachian þ fornirne piu presto le naui de garosali þ cio nela sua non eranno tanti de sechi fucero soficientj a carigar le due naue ogi þ essere domenicho non volse contractare JL giorno festigiato da questi populi he Lo nȓo vennere.
Açcio vȓa JILma sa. sapra le ysolle doue nascono li garofali Sunno cinque tarenatte Tadore mutir machian et bachian tarenate he la principalle et quādo viueua lo suo re signorigiaua casi tucte le altre Tadore et qella doue eramo tienne re mutir et machian non anno re ma se regenno a populo et quando li dui re de tarenate et de tadore fanno guera insieme Queste due li serueno de gente La vltima e bachian et tienne re tucta questa þuin tia doue nascono li garofali se chiama malucho. non era ancora octo mesy que ero morto in tarenate vno franco seranno portuguese capo gñale deL re de tarenate contra Lo re de tadore et opero tanto que Constrinse Lo re de tadore donnare vna sua figliola þ moglie aL re de tarenate et quasi tueti li figlioli deli principali þ ostagio de laqaL figliola nascete queL nepote deL re de tadore poy facta fa loro la pace essendo venuto vno giorno franco seranno in tadore þ contractare garofali questo re lo fece velenare cō qelle foglie de betre et viuete sinon catro Jornj il suo re lo veleua far sepelire secondo le sue lege ma tre xpiani sui seruitorj non consentirono Lo qaL lascio vno figliolo et vna figliola picoli de vna donna que tolsi in Jaua magiore et ducento bahar de garofoli costui era grande amicho et parente deL nȓo fideL capo. gñale et fo causa de Comouerlo apigliar qƺsta inpresa perche piu volte essendo Lo ñro capo amalacha li haueua scripto Como lui staua iui D. manueL Ja re de portugaL þ nō volere acrescere la þuisione deL nȓo capo gñale solamente de vno testonne aL mese þ li sui bennemeriti venne in spagnia et hebe dala sacra magesta tucto qello sepe demandare passati x giorni dopo la morte de franco seranno iL re de tarenate deto raya Abuleis hauendo descaciato suo gennero re de bachian fu avelenato de sua figliola moglie del decto re Soto ombra de volere cōcludeȓ la pace fra loro il qalle scampo solum duy giornj et lascio nuoue figlioly principali li loro nomy sono questi Chechili momuli Jadore vunighi Chechili de roix Cili manzur Cili pagi Chialin Chechilin Cathara vaiechu Serich et calano ghapi.
Luni a xj de nouembȓ vno deli figlioli deL re de tarenate chechili de roix vestito de veluto rosso venne ali naui cō dui prao sonnando cō qelle borchie et nō volse alhora entrare neli naui costui teneua la donna li figlioli et li alte cose de franco seranno Quando lo Cogniossemo mandassemo dire al re seL doueuāo receuere þ che eramo neL suo porto ne rispose facessemo como voleuamo Lo figliolo deL re vedendone star suspesi se discosto alquanto da le naui li an dasemo cōlo batello apñtarli vno panno de oro et de seta indiano cō alquāti Cortelli spechi et forfice accepto li cō vno pocho de sdegnio et subito se parti Costui haueua seco vno Jndio xpiano chiamato Manuel seruitoȓ dun peto alfonso de lorosa portughese loqaL dopo la morte de franco seranno vene de bandan ataranate iL seruitoȓ þ sapere parlare in portughese entro nele naue et dissenne se ben li figlioli deL re de tarenate eranno nemici deL re de tadore niente de meno sempre stauamo aL seruitio deL re de spagnia mā dasemo vna lȓa apietro alfonso de lorosa þ questo suo seruitoȓ douesse vegnire senza suspecto nissuno.
Questi re teneno quante donne voleno ma ne anno vna þ suo moglie principale et tutte le altre hobedisconno aquesta il re de tadore haueua vna casa grāde fuora de la çita doue estauano du cento sue donne de li piu principali cō alte tante le seruiuano Quando lo re mangia sta solo ho vero cō la suo mogle prin cipalle in vno luoco alto Como vn tribunalle oue po vedere tucte le altre ɋ li sedenno atorno et aqella piu li piace li comanda vada dormire secho qela nocte finito lo mangiare se lui comanda Qƺ queste mangiāo insieme Lo fanno se non ognuna va mangiare nella sua camera. Niuno senza lisentia deL re le puo vedere et se alguno he trouato o di giorno o de nocte apresso la caza del re he amazato ogni famiglia he hobligata de dare aL re vna et due figliole Questo re haueua vinti sey figlioli octo maschi lo resto femine Dinanzi a questa ysola nehe vna grandissima chiamata giailolo che he habitata de mory et da gentilli se trouerano duy re fra li mory Si como ne disse eL re vno ha ueȓ hauuto seycento figlioli et lalto cinque cento et vinticinque li gentili nō teneno tante donne ne viueno cō tante superstitioni ma adorana la pia cosa ɋ vedeno la matina quando esconno fora de casa þ tuto qeL giorno JL re de questi gentilli deto raya papua e richissimo de oro et habita dento ne laysola in questa Jsola de giaiallo nascono Soura sassi viui cane grosse Como la gamba pienne de acqua molto buona da bere ne Comprauāo assay daquesti populi.
Marti a dudici de nouembre il re fece fare in vno giorno vna casa nela cita þ la nȓa mercantia gli la portassemo quasi tuta et þ guardia de quella lasciassemo tri homini de li nȓj et subito Cominciassemo amerchadantare in questo modo þ x braçia de panno rosso asay bonno ne dauano vno bahar de garofali ɋ he quato qƺi et sey libȓ un Quintale e cento libȓ per quindici bracia de panno nō tropo bonno un bahar þ quindice accette vno bahar þ trenta cinque bichieri de vetro vno bahar iL re li hebe tucti þ dizi sette Cachili de Cenaprio vn bahar þ dizisete cathili de argento viuo vno bahar þ vintisey bracia de tella vno bahar þ vinticinque bracia de tella piu sotille vno bahar þ cento cinquanta Cortelli vno bahar per cinquanta forfice vno bahar þ quaranta bonneti vno bahar þ x panny de guzerati vno bahar per tre de qelle sue borchie dui bahar þ vno quintaL de metalo vno bahar tucti li spechi eranno rocti et li pocqi bonny Ly volse el re molte de queste cose eranno de qelli Junci haueuamo presi la pstesa de venire in spagnia ne fece dare le nȓe merchantie þ miglior mercato non haueressemo facto ogni giorno veniuano ale naui tante barque pienne de capre galine figui cochi et altre cose da mangiare ɋ era vna marauiglia fornissemo li naui de hacqua buona Questa hacqua nascie calda mase sta þ spacio duna hora fora de suo fonte diuenta frigidissima questo e þ ɋ nasce neL monte delli garofoli aL contrario Como se diceua in spagnia lacqua esser portata amaluco de longi parte.
Mercore lo re mando suo figliolo deto mossahap a mutir þ garofoli açcio piu presto ne fornisseno hogi dicessemo aL re Como haueuamo pressi certj indij rengratio molto ydio et dicene lifacessemo tanta gratia gli dessemo li presoni þche li mandarebe nelle sue terre cō cinque hominj de li sui þ manifestare deL re despagnia et de sua fama alhora li donassemo li tre donne pigliate in nome de la reyna þ la cagiōe Ja detta JL giorno seguente li apresentassemo tucti li presoni saluo qelli de burne ne hebe grandissimo piacere. Dapoy ne disce douessemo þ suo amore amazare tucti li porci haueuāo nele nauj þ che ne darebe tante capre et galine gli amazassemo þ farli piaçere et li apichassemo soto la Couuerta Quado Costoro þ ventura li vedeuano se copriuano lo volto þ non vederli ne sentire lo suo odore.
Sul tardi deL medeſimo giorno vene in vno prao pietro alfonſo portugheſe et non eſſendo anchora deſmontato iL re lo mando a chiamare et ridendo diſegli se lui ben era de tarennate ne diceſſe la verita de tuto quello q̃ li domandaſſem Coſtui dice Como Ja ſedize anny ſtaua nela Jndia ma x in maluco et tante erano q̃ maluco ſtaua deſcoperto ascoſamente et era vno anno mancho quindici giornj che venne vna naue grande de malaca quiui et ſe partite caricata de garofali ma þ li mali tempi reſto in bandan alquanti meſi delaqalle era capo triſtan de meneses portughese et Como lui li demando que noue erano adeſſo in chriſtianitatte li diſſe como era partita vna armata de cinque nauj de ſiuiglia þ deſcoprire maluco in nome deL re deſpagnia eſsendo capitano fernando de magallianes portugheſe et como lo re de portugallo þ diſpecto q̃ vno portugueſe lifoſſe conta hauea mandatte alquante naue aL capo de bonna ſperanſa et altre tante aL capo de ſancta maria doue ſtanno li Canibali þ vietargli lo paſſo et Como nõ lo trouo poy il re de portagalo haueua Jnteſo Como lo dicto capitanio haueua paſſato þ vno alto mare et andaua amalucho Subito ſcriſſe aL ſuo capo magiore de la india chiamato diego lopes de ſichera mãdaſſe ſey naue amaluco me þ cauſa del grã turco che veniua amalacha nõ le mande þ che li fu forſa mandare Contra lui ſexanta velle aL ſtreto deLa mehca nella tera de Juda liqalli non trouorono alto ſolum alcãte gallere in ſeco nela riua de qella forte et bella cita de adem leqalle tucte bruſorono[_]dopo Queſto mandaua contro anuy amalucho vno grã galeõe con due mani de bombarde ma þ certi baſſi et corenti de hacqua che ſonno circa malaca et venti Contrarj non puoto paſſare et torno in drieto Lo capo de queſto galiõe era franco faria portugheſe et Como erano poqi giornj q̃ vna Carauella cõ dui Jonci erano ſtati quiui þ Jntendere de nui li Junci andarono abachian þ caricare garofali cõ ſette portugheſi Queſti portugheſi þ nõ hauer̃ reſpecto ale donne deL re et de li ſuoi lo re li diſce piu volte nõ faceſſero taL coſa ma loro nõ volendo reſtare furono amazati Quando qelli de la Carauella intezero queſto ſubito tornorono a malaca et laſciarono li Junci cõ catrocento bahar de garofali et tanta mercantia þ comperar̃ cento alti bahar et Como ogni anno molti Junci veneno de malaca abandan þ pigliare matia et noſce moſcade et da bandan amalucho þ garofali et como queſti populi vanno cõ queſti ſui Junci da maluco a bandan in tre giornj et de bandan amalaca in quĩdici et como lo re de portagalo Ja x anny godeua malucho aſcoſamente acio lo re deſpagnia noL ſapeſſe coſtui ſtete cõ nuy alti inſino a tre hore de nocte et diſcene molte altre coſe operaſſemo tanto q̃ coſtui þmetendolj bõ ſoldo ne þmiſſe de venire cõ nuy in ſpagnia.
Vennere a Quindici de nouembre il re ne diſce como andaua abachian þ pigliar̃ de qelli garofali laſsati da li portugueſi ne dimando duy pñti þ darli ali dui gubernatorj de mutir in nome deL re deſpagnia et paſſando per mezo de le naui volſe vedere Como tirauão li ſchiopeti li baleſtre et li verſi q̃ ſono magiori duno arcubuſo tiro lui tre volti de baleſtra þ chi li piaceua piu q̃ li ſchiopeti Sabato lo re moro de giailolo vene ale naui con molti prao alqualle donaſcemo vno ſayo de domaſcho ꝟde dui bracia de panne roſſo ſpechi forfice cortelli petini et dui bichery dorati ne diſce poi q̃ eramo amici deL re de tadore eramo anchora ſoi þ che amaualo Como þpio ſuo figliolo et ſe may alguno deli noſti andaſſeno in ſua terra li farebe grandiſſimo honnore Queſto re emolto vechio et temuto þ tutte queſte yſole þ eſſere molto potente et chia maſſe raia Jussu Queſta yſola de Jayalolo e tanto grando que tardano catro meſi a circundarla cõ vno prao. Domenicha matina queſto medeſimo re venne ale naui et volſe vedere in que modo combateuão et como ſcaricauamo le nr̃e bombarde dilque piglio grandiſſimo piacer̃ et ſubito ſe parti Coſtui Como ne fu detto era ſtato nela ſua Jouenta grã Combatitor̃.
NeL medeſimo giorno anday in terra þ vedere Como naſcheuano li garofali Lo arburo ſuo he alto et groſſo Como vno homo altrauerſo et piu et meno li ſui ramj ſpandeno alquante largo neL mezo ma neL fine fanno in mo do de vna cima la ſuo foglia e como qella deL lauro la ſcorſa e oliuaſta ly garofoli veneno Jn cima de li ramiti diece ho vinti inſiemi Queſti arbory fanno ſempre caſi piu duna banda q̃ de lalta Segondo li tempi Quando naſcono li garofali ſonno bianqi maturj roſſi et ſecqi negri ſe cogleno due volte alanno vna dela natiuita deL nr̃o redemptore [Quando lanno e piu: crossed out in original MS.] lalta in qella de sto Johã bapta þ che in queſti dui tempi e piu temperato larie ma piu in qella deL nr̃o redemptore Quando lanno e piu caldo et cõ mancho piogie et coglienno trecento et quatrocento bahar in ogni vna de queſte yſolle naſcono ſolamẽte neli monti et ſe alguni de queſti arborj ſonno piantati aL pianno apreſſo li monti nõ viueno la ſuo foglia la ſcorza et il legnio ꝟde et coſi forte como li garofoli ſe non ſi coglieno quãdo ſonno maturi diuentano grandi et tanti duri q̃ non e bono alto de loro ſinon la ſua ſcorſa nõ naſcono aL mondo alti garofali ſinon in cinque mõti de queſte cinque yſolle ſe ne trouano ben alguni in giailolo et in vna yſola picola fra tadore et mutir detta mare ma non ſonno buoni Vede uamo nuy caſi ogni giorno vna nebula diſcendere et circundare mo luno mo lalto de queſti monti þ ilque li garofoli diuentano þfecti Ciaſcuno de queſti populi anno de queſti arbori et ogni vno cuſtodiſcono li ſui ma non li coltiuano Jn queſta yſola ſe trouano alguni arbori de noce moſcada larbore e como le noſtre noguere et con le medeſime foglie la noce quando ſe coglie he grande como vno Codognio picolo cõ qeL pelo et deL medeſimo colore la ſua pima ſcorza et groſſa como la verde dele nr̃e noce Soto de q̃ſta he vna tella ſotille Soto laqalle ſta la matia roſſisimo riuolta intorno la Scorſa della noce et de dento da queſta e La noce moſcade le caſe de queſti populi Sonno facte como le altre ma non cuſſi alte da terra et ſonno circunda te de canne in modo de uno ſieue queſte femine ſonno bructe et vano nude Como le altre con qelli panny de ſcorca de arbore fanno queſti panni intaL modo piglianno vno pezo de ſcorſa et lo laſcianno nelacqua fin que diuenta molle et poy lo bateno cõ legni et lo fanno longo et Largo Como voleno diuenta como vno vello de ſeda cruda cõ certi filecti de dento q̃ pareſta teſuto mangiano panne de legnio de arbore como la palma facto in queſto modo piglianno vno pezo de queſto legnio mole et li Cauano fuora certi ſpini negri longui poi Lo peſtanno et coſi fanno Lo panne luzano quaſi ſolo þ portare in mare et lo chia mano ſaghu Queſti homini vano nudi Como li alti ma ſonno tãto geloſi dele ſue moglie che nõ voleuano andaſſemo nuj in terra cõ Le braguet diſcoperte þ che diceuano le ſue donne penſare nuy ſemp̃ eſſere in ordine.
Ogni giorno veniuão de tarenate molte barche caricate de garofali ma þ che aſpectauamo il re nõ contractauamo alto ſinon victuuaglia Queli de tarenate ſe lementauano molte þ che nõ voleuamo Contractare cõ loro Domenicha de nocte a vinticato de nouembr̃ venendo aL luni Lo re vene ſuonando con qelle ſue borchie et paſſando þ mezo li naui diſca ricaſſemo molte bombarde ne diſſe in fine aquato giornj venirianno molty garofali luni lo re ne mando ſetecento et noranta vno cathili de garofali ſenza leuar La tara la tara e pigliare le ſpeciarie þ mancho de qeL que pezanno þ che ogni giorno ſe ſechano piu þ eſſere li pimy garofali haueuamo meſſi neli nauj diſcaricaſſemo molte bombarde Quiui chiamano li garofali ghomode in ſaranghani doue pigliaſſemo li dui piloti bonghalauan et in malaca chianche.
Marti a vintiſei de nouembr̃ il re ne diſce como non era coſtume de alguno re de partirſi de ſua yſola ma lui ſe era partito þ amore deL re de caſtiglia et per che andaſſemo piu preſto in ſpagnia et retornaſſemo cõ tante naui q̃ poteſſemo vendicare la morte de ſua padre q̃ fo amazato in vna Jſola chiamata buru et poi botato neL mare et diſſenne Como era vzãſa quando li pimi garofali eranno poſti nele naui o vero neli Junci lo re fare vno conuito aqellj dele naui et pregare Lo ſuo dio li conduceſſi ſalui neLo ſuo porto et anche lo volia far þ cagiõe deL re de bachian et vno ſuo fratello che veniuano þ vizitarne faceua netareli vie alguni de nui penſando qalque tradimẽto þ che quiui doue pigliauamo lacha foreno amazati da certi de queſti aſcoſi neli boſchi tre portugheſi de franco ſeranno et þ che vedeuamo queſti Jndi ſuſurare con li noſti preſoni, diceſſemo contra alquanti volentoroſi de queſto conuito nõ ſi douere andare in terra þ conuiti ricordandogli deqeL alto tanto infelice faceſſemo tanto ſe concluſe de mandare dire aL re veniſſe preſto ne le nauj þ che voleuamo ſi partire et conſegniarli li catro homini þmiſſi con altre mercantie Jl re ſubito venne et Jntrando nele naui diſſe adalungunj ſui cõ tanta fidutia entraua in queſte como nele ſue caze. Ne diſſe eſere grandamẽte ſpauentato þ volerne partire coſi preſto eſendo il termine de Carigare le naui trenta giornj et non eſerſi partito þ farne algun maL ma þ fornire piu preſto li naui de garofoli et como nõ ſi doueuamo par tire alora þ non eſſere anchora lo tempo de nauigare þ queſte yſolle et þ li molti baſſi ſe trouano zirca bandan et þ che facilmente hauereſemo potuto incontrarſi in qalque naui de portugheſi et ſe pur era la nr̃a opigniõe de partirſi alhora pigliaſsemo tute le nr̃e merchadantie þ che tucti li re circunuicini direbenno iL re de tadore hauer̃ receuuti tanty pñti da vno ſi grã re et lui nõ hauerli dato coſa alguna et penſarebẽo nuy eſſerſi partitj ſinon þ paura de qalque inganno et ſempre chiama rebenno lui þ vno traditor̃ poi fece portare lo ſuo alchoranno et pima baſan dolo et metendoſelo catro o cinque volte ſoura lo capo et dicendo fra ſe certe parolle, Quando fanno cuſſi Chiamano Zambahean, diſſe in pñtia de tucti q̃ Juraua þ ala et þ lo alcoranno haueua in mano ſemp̃ volere eſſere fidelle amicho aL re deſpagnia diſſe tuto queſto caſi piangendo per le ſue bone parolle le þmeteſſemo de aſpectare anchora quindici giornj Alhora li deſſemo la firma deL re et la bandera realle niente di meno Jntendeſſemo poy þ buona via alguni principali de queſte yſole hauerli dicto ne doueſſe amazare þ che farebe grandiſſimo piacere ali portugueſi et como loro þ donnarianno aqelli de bachian et iL re hauerli riſpo ſto non lo faria þ coſa alguna cognioſſendo Lo re deſpagnia et hauẽdone data la ſua pace.
Mercore a vinteſette de nouembr̃ dopo diſnare lo re fece fare vn bando a tutj qelli haueuano garofali li poteſſeno portare nele nauj tuto queſto gior no et lalto contrataſſemo garofoli cõ grã furia venner ſul tardi vene lo gouuernator̃ de machian con molti prao nõ volſe deſmontare in tera þche ſtauão iui ſuo padre et vno ſuo fratello banditi da machian JL giorno ſequente lo nr̃o re cõ lo gouuernator̃ Suo nepote entraronno nele naui nuy þ nõ hauer̃ piu panno ne mando alore tre bracia deL ſuo et neL dete loqalle con altre coſſe donnaſſemo aL gouuernator̃ partendoſi ſe diſcarico molte bombarde dapoy lo re ne mando ſey bracia de panno roſſo acio lo donnaſemo aL gouuernator̃ ſubito Lo li preſentaſſemo þ ilque ne ringratio molto et diſſe ne mandarebe aſsay garofoli Queſto gouuernatore ſe chiama humar et era forſi vinticinque anny.
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Three hours before sunset on Friday, November eight, 1521, we entered into a harbor of an island called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled about them once. We immediately went to meet him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near him. He was seated under a silk awning which sheltered him on all sides. In front of him was one of his sons with the royal scepter, and two persons with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and two others with two gilded caskets filled with their betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, and that he had dreamt some time ago that some ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; and that for more assurance he had determined to consult the moon, whereupon he had seen the ships were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we led him to the stern. When he entered inside there, he would not stoop, but entered from above. Causing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we sat down on the ground near him. Then when all were seated, the king began to speak and said that he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He received us as his children, and we could go ashore as if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, his island was to be called no more Tadore but Castiglia, because of the great love which he bore to our king, his sovereign. We made him a present which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some Indian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece of berania (the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded drinking-cups, and other articles. To his son we gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and two knives; and to each of nine others – all of them his chiefs – a silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and to many others caps or knives. We kept giving presents until the king bade us desist. After that he declared to us that he had nothing else except his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We were to approach nearer to the city, and whoever came to the ships at night, we were to kill with our muskets. In leaving the stern, the king would never bend his head. When he took his leave we discharged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal presence, and is an excellent astrologer. At that time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf wrapped about his head [his head, doublet in original MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.
On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, and what pay and quintalada the king gave to each of us. He requested us to give him a signature of the king and a royal banner, for then and thenceforth, he would cause it that his island and another called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown one of his [sons: crossed out in original MS.] grandsons, named Calonaghapi) would both belong to the king of Spagnia; and for the honor of his king he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his family in a junk which he was having built new, carrying the royal signature and banner; and therefore he was the king's servant for a long time. He begged us to leave him some men so that he might constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He did not ask for merchandise because the latter would not remain with him. He told us that he would go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner to furnish the ships with cloves, for there were not enough dry cloves in his island to load the two ships. As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade The festive day of those people is our Friday.
In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, [namely], Tarenatte, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. Tadore, the one where we were, has a king. Mutir and Machian have no king but are ruled by the people, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a king. That entire province where cloves grow is called Malucho. At that time it was not eight months since one Francesco Seranno had died in Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grandson of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. Peace having been made between the two kings, and when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. His king wished to have him buried according to his law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Christians who were his servants would not consent to it. He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major, and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close friend and a relative of our royal captain-general, and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, he had written to him several times that he was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, refused to increase our captain-general's pension by only a single testoon per month for his merits, the latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained everything for which he could ask from his sacred Majesty. Ten days after the death of Francesco Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace between the two kings. The king lingered but two days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi.
On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus and his men were playing upon the abovementioned gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, asking him whether we should receive Chechili de Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off somewhat from the ships. We went to him with the boat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediately departed. He had a Christian Indian with him named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de Lorosa, a Portuguese who went from Bandan to Tarenate, after the death of Francesco Seranno. As the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of the king of Spagnia. We sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] that he could come without any hesitation.
Those kings have as many women as they wish, but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house outside of the city, where two hundred of his chief women lived with a like number of women to serve them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he can see all the other women who sit about the gallery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep with him that night. After the king has finished eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own chamber. No one is allowed to see those women without permission from the king, and if anyone is found near the king's house by day or by night, he is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the king one or two of its daughters. That king had twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daughters. Lying next that island there is a very large island, called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is inhabited by Moros and heathens. Two kings are found there among the Moros, one of them, as we were told by the king, having had six hundred children, and the other five hundred and twenty-five. The heathens do not have so many women; nor do they live under so many superstitions, but adore for all that day the first thing that they see in the morning when they go out of their houses. The king of those heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds as thick around as the leg and filled with water that is very good to drink, grow on the flinty rocks in the island of Giaiallo. We bought many of them from those people.
On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a house built for us in the city in one day for our merchandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, and left three of our men to guard them. We immediately began to trade in the following manner. For x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth of not very good quality, one quintal and one hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thirty-five glass drinking-cups, one bahar (the king getting them all); for seventeen cathils of cinnabar, one bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one bahar; for twenty-six brazas of linen, one bahar; for twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for x pieces of Guzerat cloth, one bahar; for three of those gongs of theirs, two bahars; for one quinta of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the king wished for himself. Many of those things [that we traded] were from the abovementioned junks which we had captured. Our haste to return to Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at better bargains [to the natives] than we should have done. Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e., bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of food were brought to the ships, that we were surprised. We supplied the ships with good water, which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water must be carried to Maluco from distant parts.
On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us more quickly. On that day we told the king that we had captured certain Indians. The king thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the kindness to give him their persons, so that he might send them back to their land, with five of his own men, in order that they might make the king of Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him the three women who had been captured in the queen's name for the reason already advanced. Next day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had in the ships, in return for which he would give us an equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them in order to show him a pleasure, and hung them up under the deck. When those people happen to see any swine they cover their faces in order that they might not look upon them or catch their odor.
In the afternoon of that same day, Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came in a prau. He had not disembarked before the king sent to summon him and told him banteringly to answer us truly in whatever we should ask him, even if he did come from Tarennate. He told us that he had been sixteen years in India, but x in Maluco, for Maluco had been discovered secretly for that time. It was a year all but one fortnight, since a large ship had arrived at that place from Malaca, and had left laden with cloves, but had been obliged to remain in Bandan for some months because of bad weather. Its captain was Tristan de Meneses, a Portuguese. When he asked the latter what was the news back in Christendom, he was told that a fleet of five ships had left Siviglia to discover Maluco in the name of the king of Spagnia under command of Fernando de Magallianes, a Portuguese; that the king of Portugallo, angered that a Portuguese should be opposed to him, had sent some ships to the cape of Bonna Speransa [i.e., Good Hope], and a like number to the cape of Sancta Maria, where the cannibals live, in order to prevent their passage, but that he was not found. Then the king of Portagalo had heard that the said captain had passed into another sea, and was on his way to Malucho. He immediately wrote directing his chief captain of India, one Diego Lopes de Sichera, to send six ships to Maluco. But the latter did not send them because the Grand Turk was coming to Malacha, for he was obliged to send sixty sail to oppose him at the strait of Mecha in the land of Juda. They found only a few galleys that had been beached on the shore of the strong and beautiful city of Adem, all of which they burned. After that the chief captain sent a large galleon with two tiers of guns to Malucho to oppose us, but it was unable to proceed because of certain shoals and currents of water near Malaca, and contrary winds. The captain of that galleon was Francesco Faria, a Portuguese. It was but a few days since a caravel with two junks had been in that place to get news of us. The junks went to Bachian for a cargo of cloves with seven Portuguese. As those Portuguese did not respect the women of the king and of his subjects, although the king told them often not to act so, and since they refused to discontinue, they were put to death. When the men in the caravel heard that, they immediately returned to Malaca abandoning the junks with four hundred bahars of cloves, and sufficient merchandise to purchase one hundred bahars more. Every year a number of junks sail from Malaca to Bandan for mace and nutmeg, and from Bandan to Malucho for cloves. Those people sail in three days in those junks of theirs from Maluco to Bandan, and in a fortnight from Bandan to Malaca. The king of Portagalo had enjoyed Malucho already for x years secretly, so that the king of Spagnia might not learn of it. That Portuguese remained with us until three in the morning, and told us many other things. We plied him so well, promising him good pay that he promised to return to Spagnia with us.
On Friday, November fifteen, the king told us that he was going to Bachian to get the cloves abandoned there by the Portuguese. He asked us for two presents so that he might give them to the two governors of Mutir in the name of the king of Spagnia. Passing in between the ships he desired to see how we fired our musketry, crossbows, and the culverins, which are larger than an arquebus. He shot three times with a crossbow, for it pleased him more than the muskets. On Saturday, the Moro king of Giailolo came to the ships with a considerable number of praus. To some of the men we gave some green damask silk, two brazas of red cloth, mirrors, scissors, knives, combs, and two gilt drinking cups. That king told us that since we were friends of the king of Tadore, we were also his friends, for he loved that king as one of his own sons; and whenever any of our men would go to his land, he would show him the greatest honor. That king is very aged and is feared among all those islands, for he is very powerful. His name is Raia Jessu. That island of Jayalolo is so large that it takes four months to circumnavigate it in a prau. On Sunday morning that same king came to the ships and desired to see how we fought and how we discharged our guns. He took the greatest pleasure in it. After they had been discharged he immediately departed. He had been a great fighter in his youth as we were told.
That same day, I went ashore to see how the clove grows. The clove tree is tall and as thick as a man's body or thereabout. Its branches spread out somewhat widely in the middle, but at the top they have the shape of a summit. Its leaves resemble those of the laurel, and the bark is of a dark color. The cloves grow at the end of the twigs, ten or twenty in a cluster. Those trees have generally more cloves on one side than on the other, according to the season. When the cloves sprout they are white, when ripe, red, and when dried, black. They are gathered twice per year, once at the nativity of our Savior, [when the year is more: crossed out in original MS.] and the other at the nativity of St. John the Baptist; for the climate is more moderate at those two seasons, but more so at the time of the nativity of our Savior. When the year is very hot and there is little rain, those people gather three or four hundred bahars [of cloves] in each of those islands. Those trees grow only in the mountains, and if any of them are planted in the lowlands near the mountains, they do not live. The leaves, the bark, and the green wood are as strong as the cloves. If the latter are not gathered when they are ripe, they become large and so hard that only their husk is good. No cloves are grown in the world except in the five mountains of those five islands, except that some are found in Giailolo and in a small island between Tadore and Mutir, by name Mare, but they are not good. Almost every day we saw a mist descend and encircle now one and now another of those mountains, on account of which those cloves become perfect. Each of those people possesses clove trees, and each one watches over his own trees although he does not cultivate them. Some nutmeg trees are found in that island. The tree resembles our walnut tree, and has leaves like it. When the nut is gathered it is as large as a small quince, with the same sort of down, and it is of the same color. Its first rind is as thick as the green rind of our walnut. Under that there is a thin layer, under which is found the mace. The latter is a brilliant red and is wrapped about the rind of the nut, and within that is the nutmeg. The houses of those people are built like those of the others, but are not raised so high from the ground, and are surrounded with bamboos like a hedge. The women there are ugly and go naked as do the others, [covered only] with those cloths made from the bark of trees. Those cloths are made in the following manner. They take a piece of bark and leave it in the water until it becomes soft. Then they beat it with bits of wood and [thus] make it as long and as wide as they wish. It becomes like a veil of raw silk, and has certain threads within it, which appear as if woven. They eat wooden bread made from a tree resembling the palm, which is made as follows. They take a piece of that soft wood from which they take certain long black thorns. Then they pound the wood, and so make the bread. They use that bread, which they call saghu [i.e., sago], almost as their sole food at sea. The men there go naked as do the others [of those regions], but they are so jealous of their wives that they do not wish us to go ashore with our drawers exposed; for they assert that their women imagine that we are always in readiness.
A number of boats came from Tarenate daily laden with cloves, but, as we were awaiting the king, we did not barter for anything except food. The men who came from Tarenate were very sorry because we refused to trade with them. On Sunday night, November twenty-four, and toward Monday, the king came with gongs a-playing, and passed between the ships, [whereat] we discharged many pieces. He told us that cloves would be brought in quantity within four days. Monday the king sent us seven hundred and ninety-one cathils of cloves, without reckoning the tare. The tare is to take the spices for less than they weigh, for they become dryer daily. As those were the first cloves which we had laden in our ships, we fired many pieces. Cloves are called ghomode there; in Saranghani where we captured the two pilots, bongalauan; and in Malaca, chianche.
On Tuesday, November twenty-six, the king told us that it was not the custom of any king to leave his island, but that he had left [his] for the love that he bore the king of Castiglia, and so that we might go to Spagnia sooner and return with so many ships that we could avenge the murder of his father who was killed in an island called Buru, and then thrown into the sea. He told us that it was the custom, when the first cloves were laden in the ships or in the junks, for the king to make a feast for the crews of the ships, and to pray their God that He would lead those ships safe to their port. He also wished to do it because of the king of Bachian and one of his brothers who were coming to visit him. He had the streets cleaned. Some of us imagining that some treachery was afoot, because three Portuguese in the company of Francesco Seranno had been killed in the place where we took in water, by certain of those people who had hidden in the thickets, and because we saw those Indians whispering with our prisoners, declared in opposition to some who wished to go to the feast that we ought not go ashore for feasts, for we remembered that other so unfortunate one. We were so urgent that it was concluded to send a message to the king asking him to come soon to the ships, for we were about to depart, and would give him the four men whom we had promised him, besides some other merchandise. The king came immediately and entered the ships. He told some of his men that he entered them with as great assurance as into his own houses. He told us that he was greatly astonished at our intention of departing so soon, since the limit of time for lading the ships was thirty days; and that he had not left the island to do us any harm, but to supply the ships with cloves sooner. He said that we should not depart then for that was not the season for sailing among those islands, both because of the many shoals found about Bandan and because we might easily meet some Portuguese ships [in those seas]. However, if it were our determination to depart then, we should take all our merchandise, for all the kings roundabout would say that the king of Tadore had received so many presents from so great a king, and had given nothing in return; and that they would think that we had departed only for fear of some treachery, and would always call him a traitor. Then he had his koran brought, and first kissing it and placing it four or five times above his head, and saying certain words to himself as he did so (which they call zambahean), he declared in the presence of all, that he swore by Allah and by the koran which he had in his hand, that he would always be a faithful friend to the king of Spagnia. He spoke all those words nearly in tears. In return for his good words, we promised to wait another fortnight. Thereupon, we gave him the signature of the king and the royal banner. None the less we heard afterward on good authority that some of the chiefs of those islands had proposed to him to kill us, saying it would be doing the greatest kind of pleasure to the Portuguese, and that the latter would forgive those of Bachian. But the king had replied that he would not do it under any consideration, since he had recognized the king of Spagnia and had made peace with him.
After dinner on Wednesday, November twenty-seven, the king had an edict proclaimed that all those who had cloves could bring them to the ships. All that and the next day we bartered for cloves with might and main. On Friday afternoon, the governor of Machian came with a considerable number of praus. He refused to disembark, for his father and one of his brothers who had been banished from Machian were living in Tadore. Next day, our king and his nephew, the governor, entered the ships. As we had no more cloth, the king sent to have three brazas of his brought and gave it to us, and we gave it with other things to the governor. At his departure we discharged many pieces. Afterward the king sent us six brazas of red cloth, so that we might give it to the governor. We immediately presented it to the latter, and he thanked us heartily for it, telling us that he would send us a goodly quantity of cloves. That governor's name is Humar, and he was about twenty-five years old.
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Biblioteca ambrosiana di Milano, Ms. L 103 Sup., fol. 52v
Biblioteca ambrosiana di Milano, Ms. L 103 Sup., fol. 53r
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